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On September 17, 2001,
the Inter-American Court of Human Rights, the highest
tribunal in the Americas, released its decision
in a case concerning the small Mayagna (Sumo) community
of Awas Tingni, located on the forested area of
Nicaragua's Caribbean coastal regional. In so doing,
the Court affirmed the existence of indigenous peoples'
collective rights to their land, resources, and
environment. The justices declared that the community's
rights to property and judicial protection had been
violated by the Nicaraguan government when it granted
concessions to a Korean lumber company to log on
the community's traditional land without even consulting
with the community, let alone obtaining its consent.
Deeming Nicaragua's
legal protections for indigenous lands "illusory
and ineffective," the Court ruled that not
only did the government discriminate against the
community by denying them equal protection under
the laws of the state, it also violated its obligations
under international law to bring its domestic laws
in line with the rights and duties articulated in
the American Convention on Human Rights, of which
Nicaragua is a signatory. In its ruling, the Court
declared that for indigenous communities, the relationship
with the land is not merely a question of possession
and production; the land is also a material and
spiritual element which they should fully enjoy,
as well as a means of preserving their cultural
heritage and passing it on to future generations.
The Court ordered
the government to demarcate the land, recognizing
the community's ancestral and historical title to
it, and to establish legal procedures for the demarcation
and titling of the traditional lands of all indigenous
communities in Nicaragua. The Court also required
the government to submit biannual reports on the
measures it takes to comply with the Court's decision.(1)
The road leading to
these decisions has been a long one. Since 1992,
Awas Tingni has attempted to attain formal recognition
of broad territorial rights in the face of encroaching
international lumber companies. In a sense, Awas
Tingni becamea test case, challenging the vague
or non-existent rules that have stalled efforts
to establish clear land rights for the community
and for Nicaragua's Atlantic Coast region in general.
The decision will reverberate throughout Latin America,
where numerous and similar territorial claims have
brought little, if any, government response.
Denial of indigenous
land claims is hardly new. It has been endemic in
Latin America since the 16th century. Until quite
recently, however, whenever Latin American Indians
took action on this issue, they largely stood alone.
Such is no longer the case. An indigenous movement
-- with numerous local, national, and international
organizations -- now sweeps from Mexico to Chile.
Indians' actions -- most dramatically illustrated
by recent strikes and attempted coups in Ecuador
and Bolivia -- now capture the attention of a wide
range of journalists, academics, scholars, policy-makers,
and politicians. The treatment of the Awas Tingni
case in turn illustrates how indigenous concerns
-- previously ignored as simple "claims"
by marginal people -- have been elevated to internationally
recognized legal "rights," that must be
honored. Indians now have powerful national and
international legal mechanisms with which to press
their claims. Since 1995, the Weatherhead Center
for International Affairs's Program on Nonviolent
Sanctions and Cultural Survival (PONSACS) -- working
in close collaboration with Nicaraguan and U.S.
Attorneys, the Indian Law Resource Center, and the
community of Awas Tingni -- has drawn on anthropological
techniques to identify and document the local understanding
of and justification for land and resource rights
in this landmark case.
Recognizing
Indigenous Land Rights
Nicaragua's 1985 constitution affirms indigenous
rights to communal land and natural resources. That
guarantee was restated in 1987 when the Nicaraguan
National Assembly granted regional autonomy to Nicaragua's
Atlantic Coast region. Likewise, the American Convention
on Human Rights, legally binding throughout the
Americas, states that each person has the right
to use and enjoy property and interprets that right
to include traditional land tenure of indigenous
peoples and communities. The International Labor
Organization's Convention #169 (ILO 169) -- which
Nicaragua has supported at the United Nations but
has not yet formally ratified -- most clearly specifies
that "rights" shall be recognized and
respected for those lands or "territories"
that indigenous people have "traditionally
used and occupied." The broad, plural term
"rights" is significantly different from
a specific "right," such as a clear title
or exclusive use. Indigenous land rights, quite
simply, emanate from long-term use and occupancy.
Once these rights are recognized, the question of
how they are subsequently exercised is determined
through negotiation and consultation between the
land's occupants and the state. It is Awas Tingni's
general territorial rights that Nicaragua has refused
to recognize and subsequently negotiate.
PONSACS' role was
consequently to document, through ethnographic research,
the community's current and historical use and occupancy
of its territory. These patterns were illustrated
through computer-generated maps (geographic information
systems, or GIS). The preliminary research for these
maps was one of the interesting (and surprising
to the Nicaraguan defense attorneys) anthropological
"techniques" used. After a short period
of training by an ethnographer, members of the community
(most of whom had a formal education only through
primary school) plotted -- flawlessly -- most of
the critical geographic data (houses, garden plots,
hunting and fishing areas, and sacred sites) through
the use of simple but sophisticated electronic global
positioning systems (GPS) instruments. This basic
anthropological research was not designed to win
a court case (none was pending at the time of the
initial research), but simply to draw on community
members' existing knowledge, to define the parameters
of their territory, and to explain their reasons
for establishing those lines.
The
Case
In the early 1990s, Nicaragua's economic demands
led to a rush toward the resource-rich (in tropical
hardwoods and minerals) areas of the coastal, tropical
forest uplands of the Northern Autonomous Region.
PONSACS' Awas Tingni project began when a joint
Nicaraguan-Dominican lumber company sought logging
rights on Awas Tingni lands after the Ministry of
Natural Resources had, without informing the residents,
declared the region a protected area. In May 1994,
leaders of Awas Tingni signed a trilateral agreement
with the Nicaraguan-Dominican lumber company and
the government of Nicaragua for lumbering on 42,000
hectares of tropical rain forest claimed by the
community. This agreement, negotiated under the
eye of an international environmental organization
and supported by specialists in national and international
law, led to a community-based natural forest management
project that was economically beneficial, environmentally
sound, and respectful of human rights.
To strengthen compliance
with the agreement and to deal with any future disputes,
the community members sought formal recognition
of their territorial claims. In 1995, they began
a land tenure initiative through which their claims
could be supported by community-assisted, anthropological
and geographical research. PONSACS was asked to
assist with anthropological research and technical
support for a community-mapping project, while others
provided national and international legal assistance
(international law specialist, Professor S. James
Anaya of the University of Arizona Law School and
a Special Attorney for the Indian Law Resource Center,
as well as a PONSACS affiliate, has been the lead
attorney throughout this case).
This work, initially
considered a preventative tool, took on immediate
significance in late 1995. Community members found
that yet another government lumber concession on
their lands had been awarded to a large Korean corporation
(Sol de Caribe S.A., known as SOLCARSA). A review
of the company's management plan and of the annual
schedule of logging sites within the concession
revealed that all sites were located on lands to
which community members had significant current
and historical use rights and cultural claims --
claims the anthropological research had identified
and mapped.
Awas Tingni, its members,
and its lawyers responded to this violation with
litigation. The community first issued a legal complaint
at a regional appellate tribunal. The complaint
argued that a government body, the Ministry of the
Environment and Natural Resources, was in violation
of laws approved by the Nicaraguan legislature.
The tribunal ruled that the community was fully
aware of the agreement and had thus given tacit
approval to the project. The community appealed
the decision to the Nicaraguan Supreme Court. Though
it found the concession to be "illegal,"
the Court took no action to stop the work. In late
1995, with no recourse obtained from within the
national legal system, a petition was submitted
to the Inter-American Commission on Human Rights
(INCHR) alleging Nicaragua's failure to observe
international standards, in this case the American
Convention on Human Rights. The Inter-American Commission
on Human Rights accepted the petition and recommended
that the parties seek a "friendly settlement"
-- one mutually negotiated and accepted with consent.
Meanwhile, the World
Bank approved a broad-based sectoral loan to Nicaragua
that was earlier withheld due to generally unclear
land-tenure standards in the region and in Awas
Tingni in particular. It also provided funds for
a research project to survey the issues of land
tenure along the entire Atlantic Coast region and
to make subsequent recommendations. Using research
methods similar to those of the Awas Tingni Project
(ethnography and mapping), researchers from the
Central American and Caribbean Research Council
undertook a broad study and prepared a detailed
report, the Diagnóstico general sabre la
tenencia de la tierra en las comunidades indígenas
de la Costa Atlántica. (1998) Their research
illustrated extremely unclear, often overlapping
local perceptions of land tenure. The report strongly
recommended immediate remedial actions to avoid
or decrease inter-community conflicts. The Nicaraguan
government never distributed or circulated the report.
The researchers, however, testified in support of
Awas Tingni's claim in San José.
Since filing the petition
with the Inter-American Commission on Human Rights,
numerous efforts to reach a friendly settlement
acceptable to the INCHR have failed. In June 1998,
the Commission, which has no sanctioning capacity,
transferred the case to the Inter-American Court
on Human Rights, which does have sanctioning power.
In San José,
from November 15-17, 2000, the Court heard the case.
The principal witnesses for the prosecution were
three Mayagna Indians from the community of Awas
Tingni and the PONSACS anthropological researcher
who provided the ethnographic study and related
maps. More than a dozen "expert witnesses"
from Nicaragua and throughout the Americas also
testified on behalf of the community. The decision
in favor of the community is a landmark in terms
of its impact on land rights in Nicaragua, where
most indigenous communities exist with precarious
tenure. Equally important and clearly more far-reaching,
a decision favorable to the community will have
wide regional impact and will set a precedent for
action, particularly in countries that have ratified
ILO 169. That convention requires formal recognition
of lands or territories "traditionally"
occupied by indigenous peoples.
Without demarcation
of their lands, those of Awas Tingni and of any
of the innumerable communities in similar situations
remain vulnerable to invasion by parties interested
in natural resource exploitation. Threats to indigenous
lands throughout the Atlantic Coast of Nicaragua
have raised the possibility of social unrest and
even violence. Similar tensions and underlying concerns
help to explain, in large part, recent direct action
-- protests, strikes, uprisings, and marches --
by Indian peoples in Colombia, Ecuador, and Bolivia.
The Court's decision thus sets a far-reaching precedent
affirming indigenous land rights, not only for the
indigenous communities of the Atlantic Coast, but
also for indigenous peoples throughout the hemisphere.
Moreover, the decision, by specifying required actions
to support broad laws, strengthens the rule of law
throughout the region.
Ironically, now that
the community has received a favorable opinion,
the Nicaraguan government will simply be required
to do what it could have done several years ago
at far less expense and embarrassment. The government
must begin to undertake its obligation to respect
and subsequently negotiate indigenous land rights
by demarcating and titling the region's communal
lands. The Awas Tingni case illustrates that on
some occasions, by invoking legal sanctions, traditionally
less powerful groups can begin to balance structural
asymmetry and force serious negotiation.
(1). Some of the text
included here is drawn from the case "Summary"
prepared by the Indian
Law Resource Center.
Article copyright Cultural
Survival, Inc.
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